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What is populism?

국제이슈세미나What is populism?Populism eludes straight-forward definition. A London School of Economics conference in 1967 was devoted to finding a definition and failed to achieve a consensus. Part of the difficulty lies in the wide array of groups, individuals and movements that have been labeled populist.Among those who have been given the title at one time or another are the Levellenrs of 17th century England; the American followers of Andrew Jackson in the 1820s; the intellectual "narodniki" of 1870s Russia; the U.S. People's Party of the 1890s; the Progressives, United Farmers movements, the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation and Social Credit in Western Canada; Lang Labor in the Australian state of New South Wales during the 1920s and 1930s; McCarthyites; Peronistas in Argentina; various student movements in the late 1960s; Jimmy carter; and in the 1990s, the Reform of Canada and the United We Stand America/ Reform Party movement built by Ross Perot in the U.S. Such a list contains groups of both the left and right; of both and rural and urban emphais; of democracy, demagoguery and dictatorship. Building a meaningful and defensible definiton that fits all of these groups is a difficult task.But one answer of the queston "What is populism? can be helful.*Peter Wiles "A Syndrome, Not a Doctrine: Some Elementary These on Populism" (1969):To me, populism is any creed or movement based on the following major premise: virtue resides in the simple people, who are the overwhelming majority, and in their collective traditions.From this definition, Wiles builds a list of 24 things that follow from it. Of the 24 items, the following are of particular importance here.-Populism is moralistic rather than programmatic-Its ideology is loose, and attempts to define it exactly arouse derision and hostility.-Populism is anti-intellectual. Even its intellectuals try to be anti-intellectual.-Populism is strongly opposed to the Establishment, and to any counter-elite as well. It arises precisely when a large group, becoming self-conscious, feels alienated from the centres of power.-Populism avoids class war in the Marxist sense. Though certainly class-conscious, it is basically conciliatory and hopes to convert the Establishment.-Populism can be urban...The British Labour Party counted among its origins trends that can only be called urban populism.-Populism opposes social and economic inequality produced by the institutions it does not like. But it accepts the traditional inequalities due to the way of its own constituency.It is prudent to narrow this list even further and to emerge with a few key points. Wiles states in his definition that to a populist "virtue resides in the simple people, who are the overwhelming majority." The people are seen in broad terms. The people are seen as held down by elites, leading to the anti-intellectual, anti-Establishment nature of populism.*Canovan ("populism" 1981) sums this up, agreeing with Wiles that populism is a syndrome of varying elements, but finding two "universally present" elements-an "exaltation of and appeal to 'the people'" and anti-elitism.And also Canovan claims "We cannot hope to reduce all cases of populism to a single definition." She goes on to list seven "types" of populism aggregated within two "familes". Three of the types are listed under "agrarian populism"- farmers' radicalism, peasant movements and intellectual agrarian socialism. The other four are "political populism"-populist dictatorship, populist democracy, reactionary populism, and politicians' populism.Through the use of Wiles '"syndrome" discussion and Canovan's typology, it was established that populism is a strain of political thought which glorifies the common people, and has negative attitudes toward elites and elite leadership.Out of this, two main themes of populist thought emerge.1) populism is monistic, thus it sees the people as an undifferentiated whole. 2) the particular brand of populism, which is the most common in democratic countries, claims the people can best express their will, through the use of direct democracy. This emerges from a rejection of intermediary institutions controlled by elites, as elites are viewed as out of touch with the "common people" and therefore use their position as elected officials to further their own interests ahead of those of the people.The solution recommended by populists is the use of direct democracy devices such as referendum and initiative, which place decision-making power in the people. With the appeal of direct democracy to populists established, the actual usage fo referendums and initiatives was discussed.Reference>서병훈,, 책세상, 2009Theodore Henry Kamena, jr., 'Populism', "Poulism and federalism",Unversity of Calgary,2001Scott M.Gelber,'Preludes to Populism',"Academic Populism", Havard, 2008

사회과학| 2021.11.30| 2페이지| 2,500원| 조회(127)

선거, 민주주의, 국민투표, 포플리즘

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"공자전" 을 보고 (감상편)

‘공자전’을 보고만화로 공자에 대한 일대기를 본 것은 처음이었다. 비록 애니매이션으로 공자의 두 제자, 증자와 자공이 나누는 대화 형식으로 공자의 삶을 살펴보는 것이었지만 공자의 인간적인 면을 다룬 것을 보니 새삼 새로웠다.2005년 처음 논어를 배울때 나는 눈이 덜 뜬 아이였다. 정말이지 뜬 눈으로 글을 보았지만 그것은 완전히 눈이 뜬 상태가 아닌 유치원생의 시야로서 한자음을 쫓아가기에 바빴었다. 선생님이 자꾸 정신차리라고 하시는데 그것이 무엇을 말씀하시는지 모르고 어렵사리 논어에 무슨 내용이 있는지 살펴보고 지나친 것 같다.그러나 2500년이 지난 오늘날, 공자가 남긴 말이, 공자의 삶이 나의 삶에 무슨 관련이 있으며 내가 왜 공자의 사상을 배워야 하는지 나 스스로에게 이제야 물어보게 된다. 도대체 나와 공자는 무슨 관계가 있나? 만화에서 15세에 공자가 학문에 뜻을 두었다고 하면서 ‘왜 15세인가?’ 라고 묻는다. 그러면서 답하길 아주 거창하고 가식적이게 공자는 어렸을때 부터 총명하고 타고난 성인이었다는 미사일구의 이야기를 하지 않는다. 나는 그런 점에서 이 만화의 내용이 마음에 들었다. 즉 공자는 나와 같은 평범한 사람이었다는 것이다. 다만 15세 홀로 남겨진 공자가 험난한 세상을 살기위한 방책으로 처음 학문에 뜻을 두지 않았을까라고 만화속에서는 그려진다. “고난이 15세 아이에게 세상의 뜻을 두게 한 계기가 아닐까?”그렇다. 내가 공자의 사상을 배우는 이유, 공자와 나의 관계는 여기에 있구나를 만화의 첫부분에서야 깨달았다. 궁하면 원하게 된다고 나 또한 삶이 팍팍하고 힘들때 앞서간 선각자의 삶과 철학은 나에게 나침반이 되어 주었다. 공자의 삶과 말씀이 바로 나의 삶이라는 것이다. 비록 내가 공자처럼 위대한 인물은 아니지만 내가 느끼는 고민-세상를 어떻게 살아야 하고 내 존재의 이유는 무엇인가-을 공자가 경험했고 삶의 지표를 남겨두었다는 것이다. 작년 겨울방학때 나는 “논어”를 짬짬히 펼쳐보았다. 5년전에는 눈에 띄지 않았던 구절이 의미가 되어 오는 것이었다. 학원에서 아이들이 너무나 애를 먹이고 선생님들이 못마땅할 때 ‘人不知而不溫이면 不亦君子乎아’ 구절에서 나를 반성하며 다독거릴 수가 있었다. 힘든 순간마다 나의 눈에 들어오는 구절은 각각 달랐고 나의 고민의 해답과 적절이 맞아떨어지는 것이 신기할 뿐이었다.

사회과학| 2021.11.30| 1페이지| 1,000원| 조회(107)

논어, 공자, 삶, 자로, 화살촉

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국제 관계이론학파는 냉전종식을 어떻게 설명하였나?

근대국제관계사How have scholars of International Relations attempted to explain the end of the Cold War?The Cold War is history. President Yeltsin has explicitly declared that he no longer regards the United States as an enemy and no longer targets missiles in capitalistic countries. The military conflict between the superpowers encompassed virtually the entire globe is a relic of the past.We have clearly experienced a revolutionary set of international events in the last half decade. On the heels of the 1980s revival of the Cold War, the Soviet empire in Eastern Europe has collapsed, the Soviet Union itself has dissolved, Germany has been permitted to reunite.Although here are many approaches to account for the end of the Cold War, here are only two IR theories to explain the end of the Cold War-Realist IR Theory andConstructivist Approach to IR Thoery.Realist IR Theory1) US military predominanceStructual realism emphasizes the importance of changes in the distributions of power, when it acc.S. domestic politics in accounting for the change in Washington's outlook and policy toward the Soviets (Dallin 1991). In January 1984, Reagan presented a rather conciliatory speech about U.S.-Soviet relations, making a notable departure from the animosity regarding the Kremlin.In this address, Regan urged the resumption of superpower arms control talks and a renewed U.S.-Soviet dialogue. He even went so far to suggest that common interests between the two states provided a valid basis for moving past the ill will that until then had characterized the relationship, toward mutual coexistence. Cold war historians call this event as marked turn toward improved superpower relations (Dallin 1991). Dallin even interprets this shift that occurred in the Reagan administration's stance toward the Soviet union in 1984 as a paradigm change, from a strictly ideological to a more pragmatic approach. It is likely that this new, more accommodating American tone predated Gorbachev's being named to tholutionary reforms promoted by Gorbachev into three categories; the general failure of the Soviet political system to satisfy the material and spiritual needs of its citizens, the abysmal state of the Soviet economy and the inability of the centralized model to stimulate growth, and finally the social alienation produced by the profound discrepancies between an outdated political order and the changing demands and expectations of the citizenry.***In my opinion, all these explanations are in only partial and have lack of sufficient breadth to explain the momentum of the changes in American thinking and foreign policy and especially Gorbachev's 'new thinking'. At that time, to make an conclussin that the end of the cold war resulted from 'the peace through strength' by realists ignores 'ZEITGEIST'.Constructivist approaches to IR Theory and the end of the Cold WarConstructivism pays more attention to the interaction of international and domestic influences on state behavior and take seriogencies by the new generation of Soviet leaders was economic and political restructuring domestic renewal and radical reform of traditional approaches to foreign and security policy.Although Gorbachev himself did not anticipate the total unraveling of the Soviet union as a consequence of the reforms that he put into motion, he laid the groundwork for the revolutionary reconstituting of the Leninist state and the transformation of Soviet relations with the outside world, both East and West.In February 1986 Gorbachev made the following remarks about his vision of security:Security cannot be built endlessly on fear of retaliation, in other words, on thedoctorines of "containment" or "deterrence,"... In the context of the relationsbetween the USSR and the USA, security can only be mutual, and if we takeinternational relations as a whole it can only be universal. The highest wisdomis not in caring exclusively for oneself, especially to the detriment of the other side.It is vital that all sh itself explains the redirection of thinking in the U.S. regarding the Soviet Union as the principal security threat. The evolution of Soviet domestic and foreign policies toward a Western model was increasingly incongruent with the Cold War expectations and images held by Washington. And not until the U.S. stopped seeing the Soviet Union as the enemy was it possible for the adversarial relationship between the two states to cease.The increasing democratization of the Soviet Union did have a profound effect on the State Department's changing perception of the Kremlin as the adversary. The shift in State's inferences regarding Soviet intentions were based not only on conciliatory international actions, but also on the perceived convergence between the social identities of the Soviet Union and the United States. As commonalities in the domestic political process began to outweigh traditional ideological differences between East and West, the U.S. was increasingly able to imagine, and tre995

사회과학| 2021.11.30| 5페이지| 2,500원| 조회(110)

국제관계, 현실주의, 실용주의, 국제관계이론

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도덕경, Laozi

The book that I would like to talk about is "Laozi" There are a lot of books translated into Korean about Laozi. Among them, what I chose is the book held the only original chinese characters. I am planning to study the ancient political philosophy, so it is imperative for me to know the original texts. That is because Taoism, which is called the philosophy of Laozi, is in the core of the orient political philosophy. He is one of the greatest philosophers in the ancient eastern world. His philosophy is said to be formed through moral training and mediation for a long time.The book, sometimes called "Tao","Laozi" in chinese or "도덕경" "노자“ in Korean, which was written by Laozi consists of 81 chapters. Though they think it is composed of a lot of thick volumes, it doesn't. Instead of many pages, it has short and simple sentences and that there are a great number of deep and profound meanings each chapter.After carefully reading all 81 chapters, we can figure out they have something in common. In other words, Laozi made the most of metaphor, in order to explain his philosophy each chapter. In the first chapter, he talk about the meaning of the way(道,도), the second is about the philosophical politician, the third is about ideal society. And then, different contents and metaphors are written other chapters, however, the main points are the same. Although the book is depicted in a variety of metaphors and examples, to make long stories cut down, his three main points can clearly be seen- the way (the rule of universe), the philosophical politician, ideal society.Laozi was the person who lived in 479 B.C. in China. In his age, the rulers of the country was corrupted and illegally filled their own interests by violences and wars. So he made up his mind to leave his country for a deep mountain where there was no conflict and war. On the way to leave the gate of the frontier castle, one officer noticed him and asked him to write a book on coping with current political social ills. Then, he gave his writing to the officer and he disappeared remotely. But no one knows exactly when he was born and died. Harsh period where he lived should make him create his political philosophy.In his book, Laozi diagnosed the painful state of the time and came up with his own answer- 'come back to the nature.' He thought of Tao (the way) as the principlel of the universe and humanity and he tried to find how to solve the various problems of the space, human and politics in his philosophy.In the center of his criticism were the rulers at that time. He insisted that politicans should recover their true character 'Man is good by nature'. Explaining his ideal society, he focused on the roles of leaders. The roles and responsibilities of leaders are like those of mom. Mom exists at home but we don't realize how important her existence and tasks are. As we take her being and tasks for granted, we forget to think highly of her such as air and water. So what Laozi insisted is that what is called, the leaders of a country should follow like above things.It is said that we will realize and master the truth if we comprehend truly the meaning of the first chapter. Because the first chapter is the best of the best and has profound and condense meanings, if we know the exact meaning of the first chapter, we don't have to read through the whole pages. It is very difficult for normal people to understand and realize the completely true meanings. I think that it can be compared to John's gaspel in the western countries. Especially both of the first chapters have the meaning and implication in common. Let's take a look at each first chapter.1. 道可道(도가도), 非常道(비상도), 名可名(명가명), 非常名(비상명). 無名(무명), 天地之始(천지지시), 有名(유명), 萬物之母(만물지모), 故常無(고상무), 欲以觀其妙(욕이관기묘), 常有(상유), 欲以觀其?(욕이관기요), 此兩者(차양자), 同出而異名(동출이이명), 同謂之玄(동위지현), 玄之又玄(현지우현), 衆妙之門(중묘지문).The Way that can be experienced is not true;The World that can be constructed is not true.The Way tells all that happens and may happpen;The World represents all that exists and may exist.To experience without intention is to sense the World;To experience with intention is to anticipate the world.These two experiences are indistinguishable;Their construction differs but their effect is the same.Beyond the gate of experience flows the Way,Which is ever greater and more subtle than the World.

사회과학| 2021.11.29| 4페이지| 2,500원| 조회(139)

도덕경, 동양정치, 무위자연

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Where are the short-comings in Korean politics? the evaluation of Democracy

Where are the short-comings in Korean politics? : the evaluation of democracyIntroductionIn the Economist's democracy index, South korea was ranked as “flawed democracy” in 2007. The Economist Intelligence Unit's index provides a snapshot of the current state of democracy worldwide for 165 independent states and two territories. This covers almost the entire population of the world and the vast majority of the world's 192 independent states (27 micro-states are excluded). Almost half of the world's countries can be considered to be democracies, however, the number of "full democracies" is relatively low (only 28). Almost twice as many(54) are rated as "flawed democracies". Of the remaining 85 states, 55 are authoritarian and 30 are considered to be "hybrid regimes". As could be expected, the developed OECD countries (with the notable exception of Italy) dominate among full democracies, although there are two Latin American, two central European and one African country, which means thatf so, how is democracy measured in spite of countries' diversity - different regimes, different cultures, different people's nationality, and so on?At present, the best-known measure of democracy is produced by the US-based Freedom House organisation. The average of its indexes, on a 1 to 7 scale, of political freedom (based on 10 indicators) and of civil liberties (based on 15 indicators) is often taken to be a measure of democracy. The index is available for all countries, and stretches back to the early 1970s. It has been used heavily in empirical investigations of the relationship between democracy and various economic and social variables. Democracy can be conceived as a total package of political democracy, socio-economic democracy, 'workers' democracy' and post -modern' democracy of everyday life'. The results published by the Economist's democracy index just mainly limit the analysis to political democracy because it is difficult to cover diverse forms of democracy.The Economist of the democratic government of a nation is possible only when it is congruent with its political culture and system, Korea has suffered from the situation that the democratic system itself was directly implanted into Korea when no circumstance was ready to accommodate it. As usual, to make a nation modernize and democratize, there needs 5 conditions. (1)nation building, (2)state building, (3)industralization, (4) civilian's participation, (5)distribution.Unfortunately, there were no conditions that Korea was sufficiently equipped with. As a new nation, there were a lot of burdens and responsibilities on young Korea's shoulder to take and solve. Accordingly to overcome the handicapped situation, it was an urgent task for Korea to develop, in so short a time as possible, the democratic political culture or civic culture, which the western European countries, on the contrary, have developed steadily through the accumulation of long history.IIEven though Western Democracy was accepted aiated more accurately by cultural variables than by sociological ones. Here are several factors constantly influenced by exogenous variables until Koean has become the way it is . (1)geopolitical setting(the crossing-point of two conflicting forces-the continental power and maritime power) and frequent foreign invasions and its politics with a defensive nationalism (2)poor resource endowment (3)Japanese colonial exploitation and national division (4)the Korean war (5)incompetent political leadership, corruption and rent-seeking and social and political chaos. (6)its earlier phase of modernization and industrialization closely associated with developmental dictatorship (7)the problem of distribution of wealth and the quality of life caused by the rapid growth (8)structural differentiation and social mobilization massive urban migration, expansion of the middle class by modernization and industrialization (9)authoritarian political culture(ex, conformity, compliance with authority, and actron democracy, peoples could take part in public policy decision directly using digital communication medium, and talk directly with government and politicians through the Internet, and take part in debate through electron medium. It can make digital revolution extend horizons of democracy. Of course, it will need a lot of complement by negative side of an electron democracy, but will have to be propelled to direction that maximize positive side of electron democracy hereafter.Korean democracy has achieved some success in procedural and formal side of democratic consolidation since civilian government departure, but democracy is not institutionalized and internalized in virtual side yet.Korean democracy Consolidation will be able to achieve after overcoming instability and fluidity of democratization process. Democratic citizen relationship's development and change of politics culture for voluntary politics participation are also essential. Citizen relationship and politics culture a1997

사회과학| 2021.11.29| 9페이지| 3,000원| 조회(132)

Democracy, korean politics, referendum, ele..

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