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의원들, 성직자들, 그리고 월별 낮춤의식(Monthly Humiliation)-잉글랜드 혁명기 ‘퓨리턴’ 의회의 종교정책 만들기- (MPs, Ministers, and Monthly Humiliation: ‘Puritan’ Parliament and Religious Policymaking during the English Revolution)

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최초등록일 2025.04.15 최종저작일 2012.06
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의원들, 성직자들, 그리고 월별 낮춤의식(Monthly Humiliation)-잉글랜드 혁명기 ‘퓨리턴’ 의회의 종교정책 만들기-
  • 미리보기

    서지정보

    · 발행기관 : 한국서양사학회
    · 수록지 정보 : 서양사론 / 113호 / 154 ~ 199페이지
    · 저자명 : 정영권

    초록

    When the Long Parliament convened in late 1640, the majority of peers and MPs immediately launched a comprehensive attack on Charles I’s policies of the previous decade. Amidst this preoccupation to settle old and not so old scores, the House of Commons proposed to hold a fast and to obtain the consent of the peers and the king. A committee to prepare for the fast was set up and, eventually, a total of five fasts were observed until the end of 1641. A ceremony that partly attests to the religious commitment of the political elite at the time, the fast subsequently developed as a regular feature of parliamentary political culture. From February of 1642 to the same month of 1649,the House of Commons observed a fast on the last Wednesday of each month. The House of Lords officially observed the fast on the same day from October of 1644 to January of 1649, and unofficially prior to this period. These regular fasts or monthly humiliations were supplemented by special days of humiliation or thanksgiving.
    With the sermon occupying the center stage, the monthly fasts were obviously a religious observance, and the primary motive for convening them should be seen as religious. Yet this regular event occurred in a decidedly political milieu of Westminster. In an age when politics and religion were inextricably bound up with each other, sermons treating political themes were as natural as politicians delivering speeches on the respective rights of king and parliament.
    The fast sermons thus had a strong political tinge to them. For Hugh Trevor-Roper, they constitute a tool masterly and tactically employed by parliamentary leaders to further their own causes. The sermons were a medium of politicking to declare long term objectives and short term changes in the direction of policymaking. Engaging in a more comprehensive study of the monthly sermons, John Wilson directs attention back to the religious aspect of the observance but also recognizes instances where political interests powerfully permeated the monthly and special program of religious observance.
    Against this background of varied interpretations, this article seeks to take a slightly different approach to the monthly and special humiliations as well as thanksgivings. Instead of studying the general nature and implications of the ritual and sermons, I will utilize them as a launch pad for exploring two of the most explosive issues of the revolution: church government and toleration. The peers and MPs placed these at the top of their agenda and devoted a considerable amount of time debating and disputing them. They also worked under the constant awareness of the activities of pressure groups outside the walls of Westminster seeking to lever parliament in the direction of their preferred ecclesiastical settlement. To understand this multifaceted process of religious policymaking, I will look more specifically at the procedure surrounding the appointment of preachers to the humiliations and thanksgivings, the religious outlook of the preachers, and the text of their sermons. Such an exploration will elucidate how the men sitting at Westminster interacted with an influential group of men, the clergy, while formulating policies for reformation of religion and eventual settlement of the church. Moreover such a study will shed light on the inner workings of parliament, especially how parties functioned and engaged with each other, as well as how they sought to influence public opinion via their influential clerical spokesmen.

    영어초록

    When the Long Parliament convened in late 1640, the majority of peers and MPs immediately launched a comprehensive attack on Charles I’s policies of the previous decade. Amidst this preoccupation to settle old and not so old scores, the House of Commons proposed to hold a fast and to obtain the consent of the peers and the king. A committee to prepare for the fast was set up and, eventually, a total of five fasts were observed until the end of 1641. A ceremony that partly attests to the religious commitment of the political elite at the time, the fast subsequently developed as a regular feature of parliamentary political culture. From February of 1642 to the same month of 1649,the House of Commons observed a fast on the last Wednesday of each month. The House of Lords officially observed the fast on the same day from October of 1644 to January of 1649, and unofficially prior to this period. These regular fasts or monthly humiliations were supplemented by special days of humiliation or thanksgiving.
    With the sermon occupying the center stage, the monthly fasts were obviously a religious observance, and the primary motive for convening them should be seen as religious. Yet this regular event occurred in a decidedly political milieu of Westminster. In an age when politics and religion were inextricably bound up with each other, sermons treating political themes were as natural as politicians delivering speeches on the respective rights of king and parliament.
    The fast sermons thus had a strong political tinge to them. For Hugh Trevor-Roper, they constitute a tool masterly and tactically employed by parliamentary leaders to further their own causes. The sermons were a medium of politicking to declare long term objectives and short term changes in the direction of policymaking. Engaging in a more comprehensive study of the monthly sermons, John Wilson directs attention back to the religious aspect of the observance but also recognizes instances where political interests powerfully permeated the monthly and special program of religious observance.
    Against this background of varied interpretations, this article seeks to take a slightly different approach to the monthly and special humiliations as well as thanksgivings. Instead of studying the general nature and implications of the ritual and sermons, I will utilize them as a launch pad for exploring two of the most explosive issues of the revolution: church government and toleration. The peers and MPs placed these at the top of their agenda and devoted a considerable amount of time debating and disputing them. They also worked under the constant awareness of the activities of pressure groups outside the walls of Westminster seeking to lever parliament in the direction of their preferred ecclesiastical settlement. To understand this multifaceted process of religious policymaking, I will look more specifically at the procedure surrounding the appointment of preachers to the humiliations and thanksgivings, the religious outlook of the preachers, and the text of their sermons. Such an exploration will elucidate how the men sitting at Westminster interacted with an influential group of men, the clergy, while formulating policies for reformation of religion and eventual settlement of the church. Moreover such a study will shed light on the inner workings of parliament, especially how parties functioned and engaged with each other, as well as how they sought to influence public opinion via their influential clerical spokesmen.

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