1950년대 후반 동독 사통당(SED)의 국가연합 통일안 (The SED-Concept of a National Confederation in the Late 1950s)

서지정보

· 발행기관 : 한국서양사학회
· 수록지 정보 : 서양사론 / 102호 / 285 ~ 319페이지
· 저자명 : 이동기

초록

From the integral perspective of the German contemporary history
one could find out basically quite a lot common grounds and
similarities of historical developments in two German states. But the
more important thing is to explore various aspects of interweaving
and inter-determination of two German states. The SED-concept of
a national confederation as way to the German reunification had come
into being from inofficial contacts and dialogs between West-German
politicians and East-German representatives. The SED- le a d e r s h i p
h a d to re s p o n d to p o litic a l d is c o n te n ts o f b o th o p p o s itio n a l
groups within the SED and younger generations who had looked
forward to a national perspective. Suggesting the concept of a German
confederation the SED was able to let not only a new dimension of
reunification-discussion open, but make also a German-German
common thinking-space and expectations-horizon. Quite a few other
west-German Ost-policies after 1957 were stimulated by the
confederation-plans of the SED. In addition, West-German alternative
models of the reunification including confederation-model has developed
themselves from competing with the confederation-concept of the
SED.
But, the confederation-concept of the SED can be principally regarded
as political manoeuvre which were never seriously prepared for a
German-German negotiation or compromise. It aimed at the ‘democratic
transformation’ of the political situation in the FRG. The SED-leader
saw in the Adenauer-government of the FRG none dialog-partner
from the beginning. The prerequisites which the SED had laid claim
to for a negotiating table on a confederation caused only to question
the true will of the East-German communists for a national unification.
Still, theirs own national strategy and notion of the future development
must be taken into consideration. The SED-leadership depended
above all on the revolutionary change within the SPD and the working
class in the FRG. For the East-German communist the radicalized
SPD could be the credible partner of a national confederation.
Moreover the SED-leader, especially Walter Ulbricht, were great
believer in that the socialist system of the GDR would arise up as
the last winner over the capitalist system of the West-Germany
someday. These illusionary notions of the present and coming German
situation allowed the East-German communists ironically to conceive
meaningful methods in a national confederation as increasing contacts
and economic cooperations. According to their conviction, the GDR
could profit by the economic and technical superiority of the FRG in
a confederative cooperation. In this respect the confederation-concept
of the SED was more than pure propaganda.

영어초록

From the integral perspective of the German contemporary history
one could find out basically quite a lot common grounds and
similarities of historical developments in two German states. But the
more important thing is to explore various aspects of interweaving
and inter-determination of two German states. The SED-concept of
a national confederation as way to the German reunification had come
into being from inofficial contacts and dialogs between West-German
politicians and East-German representatives. The SED- le a d e r s h i p
h a d to re s p o n d to p o litic a l d is c o n te n ts o f b o th o p p o s itio n a l
groups within the SED and younger generations who had looked
forward to a national perspective. Suggesting the concept of a German
confederation the SED was able to let not only a new dimension of
reunification-discussion open, but make also a German-German
common thinking-space and expectations-horizon. Quite a few other
west-German Ost-policies after 1957 were stimulated by the
confederation-plans of the SED. In addition, West-German alternative
models of the reunification including confederation-model has developed
themselves from competing with the confederation-concept of the
SED.
But, the confederation-concept of the SED can be principally regarded
as political manoeuvre which were never seriously prepared for a
German-German negotiation or compromise. It aimed at the ‘democratic
transformation’ of the political situation in the FRG. The SED-leader
saw in the Adenauer-government of the FRG none dialog-partner
from the beginning. The prerequisites which the SED had laid claim
to for a negotiating table on a confederation caused only to question
the true will of the East-German communists for a national unification.
Still, theirs own national strategy and notion of the future development
must be taken into consideration. The SED-leadership depended
above all on the revolutionary change within the SPD and the working
class in the FRG. For the East-German communist the radicalized
SPD could be the credible partner of a national confederation.
Moreover the SED-leader, especially Walter Ulbricht, were great
believer in that the socialist system of the GDR would arise up as
the last winner over the capitalist system of the West-Germany
someday. These illusionary notions of the present and coming German
situation allowed the East-German communists ironically to conceive
meaningful methods in a national confederation as increasing contacts
and economic cooperations. According to their conviction, the GDR
could profit by the economic and technical superiority of the FRG in
a confederative cooperation. In this respect the confederation-concept
of the SED was more than pure propaganda.

참고자료

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