1945년 ‘處遇感謝運動’과 ‘大和同盟’의 실태 (The Actual Conditions of ‘The Movement to Thank for the Improvement of the Treatment(處遇感謝運動)’ and ‘The Dae－Wha Alliance(大和同盟)’ in 1945)

서지정보

· 발행기관 : 한국민족운동사학회
· 수록지 정보 : 한국민족운동사연구 / 61호 / 291 ~ 336페이지
· 저자명 : 지승준

초록

태평양전쟁 말기 일본정부는 조선을 비롯한 식민지에 참정권을 부여하는 법령을 공포했다. 조선에 대한 참정권 부여는 징병제 시행의 반대급부이자 당면한 전쟁에 식민지인을 동원하기 위한 방편이었고, 차별적ㆍ제한적인 내용이었다.
이 과정에서 조선총독부는 친일파에게 ‘처우감사운동’과 ‘대화동맹’을 조직하도록 주문했다. 이들은 주로 중추원 참의ㆍ고문, 지방의회 의원 등 참정권에 민감한 집단이었고, 약 70% 정도는 조선총독부의 최대 외곽단체인 ‘國民總力朝鮮聯盟’의 간부급에 해당했다. 직업별로는 관료와 재계 인물, 변호사ㆍ의사 등 새로운 선거법의 유권자이자 입후보자가 될 사회 유력층이 다수를 점했다.
양 운동에는 1920년대부터 일관되게 ‘참정권청원운동’을 전개해 온 ‘國民協會’와 ‘甲子俱樂部’ 계열 인물들이 참여했다. 그들은 일본정부가 취한 일련의 조치로 다년간의 숙원이 실현될 것이라고 생각했고, 따라서 처우개선의 범위와 종류에 관한 일체의 정치적 요구를 배제하고 오로지 ‘감사’와 ‘협력’의 태도로 운동을 전개할 수 있었다.
조선인 참가자들은 일본정부의 조치에 대해 ‘內鮮一體의 진전’으로 평가했고, 징병제의 시행, 의무교육의 실시 예고와 더불어 內鮮同化의 결실로 간주했다. 그리고 조선에 부여된 참정권이 ‘과도기적 미흡과 제약’은 있으나, ‘皇民 資質’의 향상과 전쟁 협력으로 그 문호가 점점 확대되기를 기대했다. 이러한 인식은 「한국병합에 관한 詔書」와 「조선총독부 관제개혁조서」의 이른바 ‘一視同仁’에 근거를 두고 있는데, 이는 과거 ‘국민협회’가 일본 정부에 참정권을 요구했던 논거와 일치한다.
친일파는 ‘대화동맹’을 통해 전시 협력에 노력했는데, 이로써 자신들이 바라던 국정참여의 권리와 조선 대중의 전쟁동원을 맞바꾸게 된 결과를 초래했다.

영어초록

At the closing stage of the Pacific War, the Japanese government promulgated the regulations to give the franchise to the people in colonies, including Chosun. The content of the franchise which was given to Chosun was discriminative and limited in that the grant of it was a compensation for the draft system, and it was adopted to mobilize the people in colonies for the immediate war.
In this process, The government－general of Chosun required the pro－Japanese group to organize ‘The Movement to Thank for the Improvement of the Treatment(處遇感謝運動)’ and ‘The Dae－Wha Alliance(大和同盟)’. They were mainly the members or advisers of the advisory committee of governor－general(中樞院), the local assembly and sensitive to the franchise. About 70% of them were persons in executive positions of ‘The National All－out League Of Chosun(國民總力朝鮮聯盟)’, the largest auxiliary organ of The government－general of Chosun. The bureaucrats, the capitalists, lawyers and doctors had a large number of them when classified with the occupation and they were the upper classes to have the right to vote and become candidates by new election law.
The members of ‘The National Association(國民協會)’ and ‘The Kap－Ja Club(甲子俱樂部)’ who consistently had developed ‘the suffrage－petition movement’ from the 1920s joined in both movements. They thought that a series of measures of Japanese government would make their long cherished desire come true. for this reason, they could develope movement by exclusive attitude ‘to thank’ and ‘to collaborate’ without mentioning ‘the political requirements’ about ‘the extent and the kinds of the improvement of the treatment’ at all.
The participants in Chosun evaluated the measures of Japanese government as a progress of ‘the integration of Japan and Chosun’(內鮮一體) and regarded it as a fruition of ‘the assimilation of Japan and Chosun’(內鮮同化), including the enforcement of the draft system and the notice of the compulsory education. They also expected that they could open the door more broadly with the improvement of ‘the nature of the imperial subject’(皇民資質) and the war－time cooperation, although the franchise which was given to Chosun had ‘the limitation and the insufficiency of the transitional period.’ Their understandings were based on the so－called ‘impartial treatment(一視同仁)’ extracted from ‘The Royal Edict on Annexation of Chosun’ and ‘The Royal Edict on Reform of Official Regulations of The Government－general of Chosun’. On the same grounds, ‘the National Association’ had petitioned Japanese government for the franchise from the 1920s.
The pro－Japanese group made efforts to collaborate with the government－general of Chosun during the war－time by organizing ‘The Dae－Wha Alliance’ and they caused the result of exchanging the war mobilization of the people in Chosun with the franchise which they desire.

참고자료

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