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The Reactions of the Russian Press to the Japanese Annexation of Korea as Viewed from the Standpoint of Russian Perceptions of Korea

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최초등록일 2025.03.28 최종저작일 2011.08
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The Reactions of the Russian Press to the Japanese Annexation of Korea as Viewed from the Standpoint of Russian Perceptions of Korea
  • 미리보기

    서지정보

    · 발행기관 : 고려대학교 한국사연구소
    · 수록지 정보 : International Journal of Korean History / 16권 / 2호 / 45 ~ 85페이지
    · 저자명 : 이고르 예르마첸코

    초록

    The Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 was one of the most dramatic events in the history of the Korean people, and one which must be understood in order to comprehend the complex and tragic course that is Korean history in the 20th century. The context within which Russians perceived the annexation of Korea was unique and complicated. This perception was in large part determined by the close, emotional links that existed between the debate over the destiny of Korea and that over the outcome of the Russo-Japanese War. The annexation of Korea was regarded as the logical conclusion to the most important conflict in the Far East, a conflict that ended with Japan’s victory. The evaluations of the annexation of Korea were rooted in factors such as Russia’s defeat in the Russo-Japanese War and the increasingly sharp ideological struggle between the liberals and conservatives following the Russian Revolution of 1905-1907.
    Conservative-nationalist daily such as Moscow News blamed the liberals within the ruling class for such outcomes and negatively evaluated the annexation of Korea. They also perceived the Russo-Japanese Convention, which was concluded on June 21, 1910 (July 4, 1910), or shortly before the annexation of Korea, in the same light as the 1905 Portsmouth Treaty, a treaty which they regarded as having had a negative impact on Russian interests in the Far East. Right-wing newspapers exhibited an interest in the anti-Japanese movement carried out in Korea, and showed themselves sympathetic to such movements. However, they did not truly advocate the interests of the Korean people or Korean government. Right wingers perceived Korean sovereignty from the standpoint of the conditions and main elements related to Russia’s ability to control the Far East region. In addition, the annexation of Korea was closely intertwined with the issue of Korean migration to the Amur region. The Koreans in the Amur region were perceived as closed-minded traditionalists that strongly refused to accept Christianity and assimilate into the Russian nation. As such, Koreans were regarded, just like China and Japan, as one of the sources of the ‘Yellow Peril.’ The conservatives regarded the Koreans in Priamurye as competitors of Russian colonialists and as an ‘undesirable element along the Russian border.’ Such a mindset helped further cement negative fixed notions, and ensured that public interest in Korea, a topic that was not of great concern to the right-wing, could never develop.
    On the contrary, Russian liberal publications emphasized the positive ethnic attributes of Koreans, such as sincerity and diligence, respect for women, and high passion for education. The annexation of 1910 provided an opportunity to once again promote the ideal image of the innocent Korean people that had been spread far and wide in 1904-1905. Nevertheless, the liberals’ position was in fact a duplicitous one. The liberal image of the world was one that was rooted in the notions of individual countries’ preparations to bring about progress, which in turn was regarded as a form of global legal tender. The left-wing blamed the Korean government and society’s inability to bring about progress on social stagnation and political passiveness. For the liberals, the decisive element that brought the ‘Japanization of Korea’ to its terminal point of annexation was the incapability of Korea to resist against ‘advanced’ Japan. On the other hand, Russian liberals were also cognizant of the violent nature of Japan’s forced annexation, and criticized the hypocrisy exhibited by a Japan that sought to make two different bloodlines become one. They also expressed their sympathy for the struggles of the Korean patriots against Japan, as well as for those had been victims of Japan’s oppression. However, the liberal press also regarded Japan’s deliberate and thoroughly implemented plan to reform Korea as being an essential one that would wield significant results. Much as was the case in the British Empire, the forecast for Japan’s control over Korea was combined with the belief that the enlightenment of the ‘ignorant’ Korean masses would be good for Korea’s national interests as it would help to foster the organization of ‘civilized’ national liberation movements.
    Despite expressions of sympathy and of a common bond with the Korean people and their struggles, the majority of Russian commentators were held captive by the fixed notion of Orientalism and the ideologies of the day to such an extent that they could not overcome the imperialistic mindset. These obstacles were in large part created by the general acceptance within society of the principle of the imperial struggle to once again divvy up the world as the main political reality of the day, as well as by the foreign policy line adopted by the Russian government from 1907 to 1910 as part of efforts to maintain cordial relations with Japan.

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